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Here is a link to a few Free Patterns for baby hats: Hi, I have made about 15 hats,, all sizes. My problem is the largest loom is to large and the next size smaller is to small.
Is there any way I can make the largest loom hat a little smaller.
We make them for men and women and children with cancer…. God Bless and thank you. Just trying to catch up. About your question: Hi Tracey, I saw your post about the yellow knifty knitter loom being too big and the green one being a bit small. Well I felt the same way. So I found a kk purple loom.
The pegs are closer together for a tighter knit, little bigger than the green and smaller than the yellow. They are hard to find. I found mine on site.
Good luck…. HI Debbie…. Will keep my eyes open at site and site.. Enjoy reading your post and constantly picking up ideas. I concur as well, Esther. I never use the yellow KK for hats — too big imo! And the added bonus is the tighter knit you get from the somewhat smaller gauge same gauge as the blue KK!
It is my all around favorite round loom that I use for a LOT of things. Even when a pattern calls for the yellow, I convert to the purple. That is more expensive than the purple KK once was but, with price gouging since the purple KK is discontinued , it might not be much different now.
To make sure you are getting something equivalent: The peg count is I found that, to make fingerless gloves, the flower loom was too small and the blue KK was too BIG so I scoured around looking for the perfect in between. I Bought a set of loom size adjuster pegs from kk, mine are purple. Which stitch es are the best to use for a rug where the edges need to be flat and not curl up?
I have just discovered the delights of loom knitting but I cannot work out how to do a purl stitch! I have tried wrapping around the other way but I just get into a muddle! Please could you help? Thanks, Jenny.
I believe it will help. Let me know. Activists and religious leaders were helping these communities to set up their own governments, make collective decisions, and eventually occupy sprawling ranches that had been defrauded with generations of state collusion.
I found these Brazilian communities is situations similar to those in Madagascar that Graeber observed: community-based groups, even cooperatives formes by people with very little education, developed greater and greater ability to run their own lives when the state was not around. They elected their own officials, held marathon community meetings in which every member voted even children , and, when they eventually gained land, often became thriving, tight-knit communities, especially when the shared struggle had steeled their solidarity.
A veteran from union struggles, anti-dictatorial resistance, and a host of other movements, this particular activist was placed in the camp so that someone there was armed; organizers hoped to give the gunmen cause to pause in their bare-faced intimidation.
Over a meal of camp-butchered beef, the activist told me that the MST was like nothing he had seen before. The only movement he could think to compare it to were the Italian anarchists that his immigrant grandfather had told him about, the reason his family originally fled to Brazil. Perhaps few other areas of contemporary life beg for this reality-based imagination more than economic activity. Not only did deregulated markets get themselves in serious trouble, but, when push came to shove, the state stepped in to save key institutions by absolving them of their debts.
In reality, the bailouts simply transferred the debts from private institutions to the state itself, in essence, nationalizing debt, a kind of reverse, negative form of socialism, where the populace owns, not the assets of the banks, but only their debts.
The problem is that, because our leaders cannot conceive any other way to organize our economic system, we are artificially trapped by self-imposed limits. What we are witnessing can also be seen as a demand to finally have a conversation we were all supposed to have back in Markets did not run themselves; creators of financial instruments were not infallible geniuses; and debts did not really need to be repaid — in fact, money itself was revealed to be a political instrument, trillions of dollars of which could be whisked in or out of existence overnight if governments or central banks required it.
By itself, this gap is hardly a fatal flaw. Specifically, Graeber shows that the typical developmental sequence posited by economists—barter leads to money leads to credit—is not only more variable, but is sometimes precisely reversed.
Credit precedes money historically. What such examples bring home more than anything else is just how limited their imaginations really are. When one is dealing with a world unfamiliar with money and markets, even on those rare occasions when strangers did meet explicitly in order to exchange goods, they are rarely thinking exclusively about the value of the goods.
This not only demonstrates that the Homo Oeconomicus which lies at the basis of all the theorems and equations that purports to render economics a science, is not only an almost impossibly boring person—basically, a monomaniacal sociopath who can wander through an orgy thinking only about marginal rates of return—but that what economists are basically doing in telling the myth of barter, is taking a kind of behavior that is only really possible after the invention of money and markets and then projecting it backwards as the purported reason for the invention of money and markets themselves.
When Graeber has talked publicly about his research into the history of money and debt, however, he has sometimes encountered stiff resistance from some economists, even from economists who concede his historical work is impeccable.
Suffice to say that some of the arguments are not mutually exclusive the origin story is not necessary for the economic theory, really. But Graeber explores why some economists feel compelled to defend an origin story for money in barter—the Myth of Barter—that they know is not supported by the evidence. Primarily, economists. The question of barter cuts to the heart of not only what an economy is—most economists still insist that an economy is essentially a vast barter system, with money a mere tool a position all the more peculiar now that the majority of economic transactions in the world have come to consist of playing around with money in one form or another …—but also, the very status of economics: is it a science that describes of how humans actually behave, or prescriptive, a way of informing them how they should?
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