Compradiccion/ downloadology: Verdades Y Mentiras De Por Que Las Personas Compran (Spanish Edition) [Martin Lindstrom, Adriana De Hassan] on site. com. downloadology Verdades Y Mentiras De Por Qué (Spanish) Paperback – February 2, by Martin . Start reading downloadology on your Kindle in under a minute. maroc-evasion.info as a Cuba Libre), a combination that came about in during the Spanish-American War, when American soldiers were stationed in Cuba.
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guestbaf "downloadology" Notes And Quotes. Matthew A. Gilbert, MBA. marketing 2 0_en_una_semana. IES Consaburum. English · Español. Bookends TIME FOR A COSMIC RISK ASSESSMENT Put your everyday worries into perspective with this fascinating account of the massive calamities the uni. Access a free summary of downloadology, by Martin Lindstrom and other business, leadership and nonfiction books on getAbstract.
If it truly is all of those things, you really don't have to overtly try to convince me. Jeez, I have to tell a marketer this? Strike 2. Granted, it is extremely difficult to be aware of the drive behind our consumeristic urges, but for that I would point readers to Hooked: Buddhist Writings on Greed Desire and the Urge to Consume.
In fact, if anyone is interested in why people download crappy products they don't need with money they don't have, start with Hooked and leave Lindstrom to his chest thumping. One redeeming feature of the book: Lindstrom does a nice job of showing how effective various advertising strategies are. Product placement in movies and television? Unless the product is essential to the plot, folks just don't remember it. I found his discussion of the ban on tobacco advertising and how tobacco companies have had to get really creative in their marketing to be pretty interesting.
In , more than , new products debuted in stores globally, the equivalent of one new product release every three minutes.
Margaret Thatcher was elected the leader of the conservative party in Great Britain. Color TV debuted in Australia. Bruce Springsteen came out with Born to Run. And executives at the Pepsi-Cola Company decided to roll out a heavily publicized experiment known as the Pepsi Challenge. It was very simple. One cup contained Pepsi, the other Coke. The subjects were asked which one they preferred. More than half of the volunteers claimed to prefer the taste of Pepsi over Coke.
Hallelujah, right? So by all accounts, Pepsi should be trouncing Coke all across the world. It made no sense. In his best-seller, Blink, Malcolm Gladwell offers a partial interpretation. He cites a former Pepsi new-product development executive, Carol Dollard, who explains the difference between taking a sip of a soft drink out of a cup and downing the entire can.
In a sip test, people tend to like the sweeter product—in this case Pepsi—but when they drink an entire can of the stuff, there always lurks the possibility of blood sugar—overkill. That, according to Gladwell, is why Pepsi prevailed in the taste test, but Coke continued to lead the market. Twenty-eight years after the original Pepsi Challenge, he revised the study, this time using fMRI to measure the brains of his sixty-seven study subjects.
First, he asked the volunteers whether they preferred Coke, Pepsi, or had no preference whatsoever. The results matched the findings of the original experiment almost exactly; more than half of the test subjects reported a marked preference for Pepsi.
Their brains did, too. Interesting, but not all that dramatic—until a fascinating finding showed up in the second stage of the experiment. This time around, Dr. Montague decided to let the test subjects know whether they were sampling Pepsi or Coke before they tasted it.
The result: In addition to the ventral putamen, blood flows were now registering in the medial prefrontal cortex, a portion of the brain responsible, among other duties, for higher thinking and discernment. All this indicated to Dr. Montague that two areas in the brain were engaged in a mute tug-of-war between rational and emotional thinking. That Dr. A newborn but intriguing window into our thought patterns and decision-making processes was a few sips closer to becoming reality.
A similar, but no less powerful neuromarketing experiment soon followed on the heels of the Coke—Pepsi study. The psychologists asked a group of random students to choose between a pair of site.
The brain scans revealed that both gift options triggered activity in the lateral prefrontal cortex, the area of the brain that generates emotion. The more the students were emotionally excited about something, the psychologists found, the greater the chances of their opting for the immediate, if less immediately gratifying, alternative.
Thus the interest in neuro-economics, the study of the way the brain makes financial decisions. Thanks to fMRI, it is giving unprecedented insight into how emotions—such as generosity, greed, fear, and well-being—impact economic decision-making.
A lot of what happens in the brain is emotional, not cognitive. In fact, politics, law enforcement, economics, and even Hollywood were already in on the action.
Committees spend up to a billion dollars handcrafting an electable presidential candidate—and elections are increasingly won and lost by the tiniest fraction of a percentage point. Imagine having at your disposal a tool that could possibly pinpoint what goes on in the brains of registered voters. Or so Tom Freedman, a strategist and senior advisor to the Clinton administration, must have thought when he founded a company known as FKF Applied Research.
FKF is devoted to studying decision-making processes, and how the brain responds to leadership qualities. In , his company used fMRI scanning to analyze public responses to campaign commercials during the run-up to the Bush-Kerry presidential campaign.
The results? Yet Freedman found that Republicans and Democrats reacted differently to ads replaying the September 11 attacks; the amygdalas of Democrats lit up far more noticeably than the amygdalas of Republicans. Although using brain-scanning technology to sway political decisions is in its infancy, I predict that the American presidential showdown will be the last-ever election to be governed by traditional surveys, and that by , neuroscience will begin to dominate all election predictions.
Are they memorable, catchy, provocative? Will they hook our attention? As for law enforcement? One California entrepreneur has come up with a neuroimaging spin on the widely used poly-graph, or lie-detector, test with a product called the No Lie MRI. Its assumption, as any capable dissembler can tell you, is that it takes effort to lie.
Even the U. Pentagon has increased their research into an MRI-based lie detection program, partially funded by the Defense Advanced Research Projects Agency, which comes up with ingenious new tools and techniques for military use.
And what they found was that as the subjects gazed at a slide of a Mini Cooper, a discrete region in the back area of the brain that responds to faces came alive. It was a gleaming little person, Bambi on four wheels, or Pikachu with an exhaust pipe. You just wanted to pinch its little fat metallic cheeks, then drive it away. In a University of Oxford study involving an imaging technique known as magnetoencephalography, neuroscientist Morten L.
Kringelbach asked 12 adults to carry out a computer task while the faces of infants and adults similar in expression flashed onto a nearby screen.
Daimler-Chrysler researchers then displayed images of sixty-six different cars to a dozen men, again scanning their brains using the fMRI. And what is often the most rewarding thing for guys? It seemed, just as male peacocks attract female mates with the iridescence of their back feathers, the males in this study subconsciously sought to attract the opposite sex with the low-rising, engine-revving, chrome pizzazz of the sports car.
Yet at the time, all previous neuroimaging tests had focused on a particular product. So what the heck was I supposed to do next? The obvious next stage was to find the best scientists—and the most sophisticated instruments around—to help me carry out this experiment. I chose these for a number of reasons.
Neither instrument is invasive. Neither involves radiation. And both are able to measure the level of emotional attraction or revulsion we as consumers experience more precisely than any other tool available. FMRI, as I mentioned earlier, is able to pinpoint an area as small as one millimeter in the brain.
In essence, it takes a miniature home movie of the brain every few seconds—and in as little as ten minutes can amass a spectacular amount of information. Meanwhile, the less expensive SST brings with it the advantage of being able to measure reactions instantaneously while fMRI has a few seconds delay.
This made SST ideal for registering brain activity while people are watching TV commercials and programs, or any other kind of visual stimuli happening in real time. Why not half-and-half? A typical fMRI brain scan, which involves design, analysis, conducting the experiment, and interpreting the results, can be expensive. SST studies are far less costly. Until we began our research, no one had ever mixed and matched fMRI and SST on behalf of a broad-scale neuromarketing study.
If you think of the brain as a house, any and all previous experiments were based on looking through a single window, but our wide-ranging study promised to cast its gaze through as many windows, cracks, floorboards, attic windows, and mouse holes as we could find. Politely pushy, you might call it. Those twenty-seven messages on your answering machine?
Nevertheless, in spite of all my efforts, business after business turned me down. The people I approached were either intrigued-but-unconvinced, or intrigued-but-spooked. Our willing volunteers were genuinely excited to take part in the birth of a new science. There were no complaints. No adverse reactions, no side effects, no health risks. Everyone knew what they were doing, and they were fully briefed before they signed on.
Finally, one company said they were willing to give neuromarketing a shot. Followed by another company. Then another. Finally, I put in some money of my own. So I settled on a final five countries: Cut to a few months later, when I found myself in a Los Angeles studio, surrounded by hundreds of volunteers, attired in SST caps, electrodes, wires, and goggles, all glued to a TV screen watching Simon Cowell, Paula Abdul, and Randy Jackson perched in their red chairs like a high-school disciplinary committee.
Fettucine Alfredo? A Caesar salad? Maybe I forgot to eat. By the time we reach the age of sixty-six, most of us will have seen approximately two million television commercials. In a typical consumer had a 34 percent recall of those ads. In , that figure had fallen to 8 percent. A ACNielsen phone survey of one thousand consumers found that the average person could name a mere 2.
Goldfish, I read once, have a working memory of approximately seven seconds—so every seven seconds, they start their lives all over again. Reminds me of the way I feel when I watch TV commercials. A couple of reasons for this jump out at me right away.
The Internet with its pop-ups and banner ads, cable TV, twenty-four-hour news stations, newspapers, magazines, catalogs, e-mail, iPods, pod-casts, instant messaging, text-messaging, and computer and video games are all vying for our increasingly finite and worn-out attention spans. As a result, the filtering system in our brains has grown thick and self-protective. Another no less important factor behind our amnesia is the pervasive lack of originality on the part of advertisers. Their reasoning is simple: A few years ago, I conducted a small experiment—a little narrower in scope than my brain-scan experiment—on my own.
I taped sixty different TV car commercials produced by twenty different automotive companies. Each one had been running on TV for the past two years. Each one had a scene in which the new, shiny, and seemingly driverless car guns its way around a hairpin turn in the desert, sending up a dramatic little cloud of dust—poof.
The thing is, though the make of car might have differed, that scene was exactly the same in every single commercial. Same swerve. Same turn. Same desert. Same dust cloud. Just for fun, I created a montage of these breathtakingly unmemorable moments on a two-minute reel, to see if I could tell which car was a Toyota, a Nissan, a Honda, an Audi, or a Subaru. And indeed, when I watched the tape, turns out I was stumped.
Uncreative companies are simply imitating other uncreative companies. She knew what she was doing. By now, most of us know how the show works. In its first few weeks, the producers and cast of American Idol city-hop around the United States, auditioning aspiring singers whose talent levels range from expert-but-needs-work, to promising, to at times wincingly bad.
At the end of the season, the last one standing becomes the next American Idol. And this is only a small part of an enormous and expensive worldwide industry.
As viewers, we used to be able to tell the difference between products that somehow play a role or part in a TV show or movie known in advertising circles as Product Integration and the standard thirty- second advertising spots that run during the commercial breaks known as, well, commercials.
But increasingly, these two kinds of ads are becoming harder and harder to separate.
On American Idol, Coke and Cingular Wireless not only run thirty-second ads during commercial breaks, they also feature their products prominently during the show itself.
Before and after their auditions, contestants enter or exit in a foul-mouthed rage a room whose walls are painted a chirpy, unmistakable Coca-Cola red.
Whether through semi-subtle imagery or traditional advertising spots, Coca-Cola is present approximately 60 percent of the time on American Idol. Cingular, too, pops up repeatedly throughout the show, though to a lesser extent. As the host, Ryan Seacrest, repeatedly reminds us, viewers can dial in, or vote for their favorite contestant via text-message, from a Cingular Wireless cell phone—the only carrier that permits Idol voting via text-messaging text messages from other cell phone providers are evidently discarded, meaning you either have to call in for a fee or forever hold your peace.
The cost: Do all these meticulously planned, shrewdly placed products really penetrate our long-term memory and leave any lasting impression on us at all?
Our four hundred carefully chosen subjects were each fitted with a black, turban-like cap wired with a dozen electrodes that resembled tea candles. Researchers then adjusted and looped the wires over their heads, and finally topped off the ensemble with a pair of viewing goggles. In their SST garb, our study subjects looked like random members of an affable Roswell, New Mexico, cult, or a bunch of participants at a psychic fair.
But there was nothing otherworldly or left-to-chance about this study, the first ever to assess the power or pointlessness of this billion-dollar product placement industry. Turns out, they had an associate on staff who moonlighted as a publicist for Lever Brothers now Unilever. But product placement truly began to blossom in the s.
The Extra-Terrestrial, the story revolves around a solitary, fatherless boy named Elliott who discovers an extraordinary-looking creature living in the woods behind his house. Enter Tom Cruise. When the movie became a hit, Ray-Ban sales rose by over 50 percent. But Cruise and his shades were just getting started. Sales of leather aviator jackets surged as well, as did Air Force and Navy recruitment, the latter increasing by percent.
When Die Another Day, a installment in the James Bond franchise, managed to display twenty-three brands over the course of minutes, audiences were royally peeved. All in all, sixty-eight companies made utterly forgettable, face-in-the-crowd appearances in the film.
The result? Or close to it. Do you remember any products that were featured in the film? Louis Vuitton? Believe it or not, they all made uncredited walk-ons. When it comes to product placement, television is hardly left behind. Leslie Moonves, chairman of the CBS Corporation, predicts that soon up to 75 percent of all scripted prime-time network shows will feature products and plotlines that advertisers have paid for.
Rance Crain, the editor-in-chief of Advertising Age, once put it succinctly: Some were logos for various companies that aired thirty-second commercials during American Idol, including Coke, Ford, and Cingular. We called these product placements branded logos.
We also showed our volunteers logos from companies that had no products placed within the show—everything from Fanta to Verizon to Target to site. We referred to these as unbranded logos, meaning they had no connection or sponsorship affiliation with the show. Then we showed our viewers a twenty-minute-long special edition of American Idol, as well as an episode of a different show that would serve as a benchmark to statistically validate our final results.
When our viewers had finished watching the two shows, we rescreened the precise same sequence of logos three times in a row. First, in the before-the-program testing, Professor Silberstein had found that despite how frequently the products from the three major sponsors—Ford, Cingular Wireless, and Coca-Cola—appeared in American Idol, the subjects showed no more memory for these products than for any of the other randomly chosen products they viewed before the study began.
Meaning, our branded logos and our unbranded logos began the race on even ground. After viewing the programs, subjects showed a significantly greater recall for our branded logos than for unbranded ones. But then came the most bizarre, potentially profound finding of all.
In its post-program test, we discovered that after viewing the shows, our subjects actually remembered less about the Ford commercials than they had before they entered the study. Talk about driving away potential customers. They both spent the same stupendous amount of money on their media campaigns. They both ran countless commercials during the same program.
They both reached the same amount of viewers. What was going on here? To understand the results, think back to the way in which their advertising was integrated into the program. What about a Ford coffee mug? A Ford necktie? A Ford runner-up prize? No such things exist. They become white noise, easily, instantaneously forgotten. Through subtle and brilliant integration, Coke, on the other hand, has painstakingly affiliated itself with the dreams, aspirations, and starry-eyed fantasies of potential idols.
Want to be high-flying and adored? Coke can help. Want to have the world swooning at your feet? Drink a Coke. By merely sipping the drink onstage, the three judges forged a powerful association between the drink and the emotions provoked by the show. Similarly, Cingular became associated as the instrument through which contestants can either accomplish their dreams or at the very least become a D-list celebrity.
Ford, on the other hand, has no such archetypal role whatsoever on American Idol. Idol contestants have no natural connection or aspirational affiliation with the brand so we, as viewers, have no emotional engagement with it, either. And products that play an integral part in the narrative of a program—like Coke and, to a lesser extent, Cingular Wireless—are not only more memorable, they even appear to have a double-barreled effect. In other words, they not only increase our memory of the product, but they actually weaken our ability to remember the other brands.
As our SST study showed, for product placement to work, it has to be a lot slyer and more sophisticated than simply plunking a series of random products on a screen and expecting us to respond.
But if the same movie features a scene of our hero at the gym mastering a new brand of exercise equipment or downing a Molson before he takes on two bullies in an alleyway single-handedly, viewers will respond more positively. Which is why, in the future, consumers are unlikely to see product placements for power saws, tractor-trailers, or Hummer RVs in the latest Reese Witherspoon film. But what exactly is it in our brains that makes some products so much more memorable and appealing than others?
The place: Parma, Italy. The unwitting codiscoverers of this phenomenon? A species of monkey known as the macaque. Hip white earphones remember, back then most earphones came in basic boring black. They were everywhere. Some might even call it a revolution. But from a neuroscientific point of view, what Jobs was seeing was nothing less than the triumph of a region of our brains associated with something called the mirror neuron.
In , an Italian scientist named Giacomo Rizzolatti and his research team in Parma, Italy, were studying the brains of a species of monkey—the macaque—in the hopes of finding out how the brain organizes motor behaviors. Specifically, they were looking at a region of the macaque brain known by neuroscientists as F5, or the premotor area, which registers activity when monkeys carry out certain gestures, like picking up a nut.
On one particularly hot summer afternoon, Rizzolatti and his team observed the strangest thing of all when one of Dr. Do we, too, mimic how others interact with objects? However, fMRI and EEG scans of the regions of the human brain thought to contain mirror neurons, the inferior frontal cortex and superior parietal lobule, point to yes, as these regions are activated both when someone is performing an action, as well as when the person observes another person performing an action.
What about that rush of exhilaration you feel when Clint Eastwood or Vin Diesel dispatches a villain—or that alpha-male stride-in-your-step you still feel an hour after the movie ends? Or the feeling of grace and beauty that floods through you as you observe a ballet dancer or listen to a world-class pianist? Chalk it up to mirror neurons. This tendency is so innate it can even be observed in babies—just stick your tongue out at a baby, and the baby will very likely repeat the action.
When other people whisper, we tend to lower our own voices. I can remember visiting in Moscow back in the cold war days, and being struck that there were no colors anywhere in the city.
The sky was gray, the houses were gray, the cars were gray, and the faces of the people I passed on the streets were unrelentingly pale.
But what really stood out for me the most was that virtually no one was smiling. At first, this was amusing because it was so strange , but after about an hour, I started to realize the effect it was having on me. My mood changed. I felt borderline grim. I felt gray.
Mirror neurons explain why we often smile when we see someone who is happy or wince when we see someone who is in physical pain. Singer and her colleagues showed volunteers a clip of people playing a game. Some players cheated; others played fairly, by the rules. Next, the volunteers looked on as some of the players—both the cheaters and the noncheaters—were given a mild but painful electric shock.
In other words, we all tend to empathize when bad things happen to good people—in this case the noncheaters—but when bad things happen to bad people—the cheaters—men, at least, actually experience a degree of pleasure.
Are you yawning now, or feeling the initial stirrings of yawning?
Those are your mirror neurons at work. Unilever executives told me once that during a focus group they were conducting on a new shampoo, they noticed consumers would begin scratching their heads whenever a member of the team said the word scratch or scratching.
Mirror neurons again. But it goes deeper than simple desire. A shapely mannequin wearing hip-hugging, perfectly worn-in jeans, a simple summery white blouse, and a red bandanna stops you in your tracks. She looks great—slim, sexy, confident, relaxed, and appealing. I could be her. In those clothes, I, too, could have her freshness, her youthful nonchalance.
Next thing you know, you march into the Gap, whip out your Visa, and stroll out fifteen minutes later with the jeans, blouse, and bandanna under your arm. In both cases, their mirror neurons overrode their rational thinking and caused them to unconsciously imitate—and download—what was in front of them. Take smiling, for example. Two researchers recently created what they called the Smiling Study—a look at how joy, or happiness, affects shoppers.
Once there, they had to interact with one of three people: Which of the volunteers do you think reported the more positive imaginary experience? You guessed it, those who interacted with the smiling agent. Not only that, the volunteers who imagined interacting with the smiling person reported that they would be more likely to keep on patronizing the company in question. In a fMRI study, Professors Takashi Tsukiura and Roberto Cabeza showed subjects pictures of smiling and unsmiling individuals, followed by their names, e.
Take the case of a Detroit, Michigan, seventeen-year-old named Nick Baily. On November 6, , Nintendo released its highly anticipated Wii gaming system—the machine that allows players to simulate the swing of a bat, the arc of a tennis serve, the roll of a bowling ball, or the rush of a linebacker crashing into the end zone via a hand-held remote. Now, most new Wii owners would breathlessly tear open the box, hook up the machine to the TV set, and test out the new gadget right away before the dust at their heels had time to settle.
Not Nick Baily. Only then, with the video rolling, did he begin unsealing his Wii. It seemed that simply watching someone else enjoying the unveiling of a new Wii gave Nintendo fans out there almost as much pleasure as opening that new Wii themselves. In fact, there are entire video-sharing sites devoted to this kind of vicarious pleasure; on www.
They are looking for some way to satiate their appetite. This concept of imitation is a huge factor in why we download the things we do. Have you ever been disinterested in, or even repulsed by, a certain product, then after time, changed your mind?
We see models in fashion magazines and we want to dress like them or make up our faces the way they do. We watch the rich and famous driving expensive cars and cavorting in their lavishly decorated homes and think, I want to live like that. Dopamine is one of the most addictive substances known to man—and downloading decisions are driven in some part by its seductive effects. Sound familiar? If nothing else, shopping—for anything from Twinkies to Maytag refrigerators to Bulgari watches—has become an enormous part of what we do in our spare time.
But does it actually make us happier? All scientific indicators point to yes—at least in the very short term.
Because consciously or not, we calculate downloads based on how they might bring us social status—and status is linked with reproductive success. In other words, whether we know it or not, we assess snazzy stuff—iPhones, Harleys, and such—largely in terms of their capacity to enhance our social status. So that slinky new Prada dress or that shiny new Alfa Romeo might be just what we need to attract a mate who could possibly end up carrying on our genetic line or providing for us for life.
In many of its stores, especially those in large urban cities, the company positions large blow-up posters of half-naked models just inside their doors. Not only that, they hire actual models to hang out in front of the store in groups. Naturally, both the poster and the real-life models are all attired in form-fitting Abercrombie clothes at least those who are wearing much of anything , and they look fantastic—young, sexy, healthy, and preposterously good-looking. As you pass by the store, your mirror neurons fire up.
You can imagine yourself among them: The place is designed to resemble a dark, noisy nightclub, and the people working there are just as sinuous and good-looking as the models on the billboard and the models milling around on the sidewalk outside. One of the salesgirls asks if she can help you. Help me? Damn straight—you can help me become you. Now we know why actors who smoke on screen make us want to reach for our packs, or start smoking in the first place half of teen smokers may begin their habit thanks to smoking in movies—, each year ; why stick-thin models have caused a fearsome jump in anorexia among young girls; why just about every man in the universe can quote Michael Corleone in The Godfather; why the dance craze the Macarena spread; and why when Michael Jackson moonwalked for the first time, we all felt his kineticism in our own veins—then rushed out to download Thriller.
Along with a single white glove—which became a major merchandising phenomenon. So downloaders beware. And they will prove even more powerful in driving our loyalty, our minds, our wallets, and our downloadology than even the marketers themselves could have anticipated. And be warned: Dwight D. But unbeknownst to audiences, this version of Picnic had an apparently sinister twist. Vicary, who is famous to this day for coining the term subliminal advertising, claimed that during his experiment, the Fort Lee theater saw an Consumers were convinced that the government could use the same kinds of under-the-radar techniques to peddle propaganda, that the Communists could use them to recruit supporters, or that cults could use them to brainwash members.
In , Dr. Henry Link, the president of the Psychological Corporation, challenged Vicary to repeat his Coke-and-popcorn test. Yet this time the experiment yielded no jump whatsoever in either Coke or popcorn sales. The mechanical slide projector, the surge in popcorn and Coca-Cola sales—none of it was true. Wilson B. Key published his book Subliminal Seduction with a cover photograph picturing a cocktail with a lemon wedge in it, accompanied by the irresistible teaser, Are you being sexually aroused by this picture?
Soon, a new wave of paranoia burbled through the country. Generally speaking, subliminal messages are defined as visual, auditory, or any other sensory messages that register just below our level of conscious perception and can be detected only by the subconscious mind.
But despite the hype and worry that have surrounded subliminal advertising over the past half century, the topic tends to be treated with good-natured eye-rolling.
In , during a showing of The Exorcist, one petrified moviegoer fainted and broke his jaw on the seat in front of him. Take the Yellow Pages advertisement for an English flooring company called D. A second ad, for a ketchup company, featured a hot dog and, poised over it, a dollop of ketchup coming out of a bottle that resembled a human tongue.
And a recent example shows a woman with her manicured fingers resting on a computer mouse that rather uncannily suggests a clitoris. But not all subliminal messaging is as subtle. Today, some stores play tapes of jazz or Latino music available through more than one Web site that conceal recorded messages—imperceptible to our conscious minds—designed to prod shoppers into spending more or to discourage shoplifting.
Among the messages: Or what about the aromas that are pumped into casinos, airplane cabins, hotel rooms, and just-off-the-assembly-line cars? I hate to tell you this, but the seductively leathery smell of a new car comes out of an aerosol can. Then there are those advertisers who openly use subliminal advertising. In , KFC ran an ad for its Buffalo Snacker chicken sandwich that, if the viewer replayed it in slow motion, revealed a code that consumers could enter on the KFC Web site to receive a coupon for a free Snacker.
Its tagline: Bureaucrats decide. Ford, a light-skinned black man, was running a close senate race in Tennessee against white Republican Bob Corker.
The kicker lay in the final words: But does it actually exert any influence on our behavior, or does it, like most product placements, get essentially ignored by our brains? The researchers flashed a series of words on a screen for a few thousandths of a second while the subjects played a computer game that they were told measured the relationship between their physical and mental skills. One group of seniors was exposed to positive words, including wise, astute, and accomplished. The other group was given words like senile, dependent, and diseased.
The purpose of this experiment was to see whether exposing elderly people to subliminal messages that suggested stereotypes about aging could affect their behavior, specifically, how well they walked.
Subliminal messaging has even been shown to influence how much we are willing to pay for a product. Recently, two researchers demonstrated that brief exposure to images of smiling or frowning faces for sixteen milliseconds—not long enough for volunteers to consciously register the image or identify the emotion—affected the amount of money test subjects were willing to pay for a beverage.
When subjects saw flashes of smiling faces, they poured significantly more drink from a pitcher—and were willing to pay twice as much for it—than when they viewed the angry faces.
In other words, smiling faces can subconsciously get us to download more stuff, suggesting that store managers who instruct their employees to smile are on the right track. Recently, I was called to Germany to help a struggling perfume brand regain its footing in the market. When I glanced at the bottle to see where the fragrance was manufactured, I noted that instead of the typical glamorous cities New York, London, Paris most perfume-makers print on their canisters, the company had listed decidedly less glamorous ones.
But the power of subliminal advertising has little to do with the product itself. Instead, it lies in our own brains. In , a University of Pennsylvania postdoctoral student by the name of Sean Polyn used fMRI to study the ways in which the brain hunts down specific memories. Volunteers were shown approximately ninety images in three separate categories: For example, did they love or loathe Jack Nicholson? Would they ever be remotely interested in paying a visit to the Taj Mahal?
A short time later, Polyn asked the volunteers to recall the images. But even if the brain can summon information that lies beneath our level of consciousness, does that mean that this information necessarily informs our behavior? Our subjects were, once again, twenty smokers from the United Kingdom. But this time around, we were looking at more than warning labels. Are smokers affected by imagery that lies beneath their level of consciousness?
Can cigarette cravings be triggered by images tied to a brand of cigarette but not explicitly linked to smoking—say, the sight of a Marlboro-red Ferrari or a camel riding off into a mountainous sunset?
Is subliminal advertising, those secretly embedded messages designed to appeal to our dreams, fears, wants, and desires, at all effective in stimulating our interest in a product or compelling us to download? As you enter, you briefly take note of the stylish upholstery in a familiar shade of red covering the chairs and couches, but your friend is waving to you from across the room, loud music is playing, and as you try to navigate through the crowds, your eyes firmly fixated on the delicious-looking cocktail beckoning you from the bar, those conscious impressions of your surroundings are soon forgotten.
Thanks to worldwide bans on tobacco advertising on television, in magazines, and just about everywhere else, cigarette companies including Philip Morris, which manufactures Marlboro, and the R.
Reynolds Tobacco Company, which owns Camel, funnel a huge percentage of their marketing budget into this kind of subliminal brand exposure. Philip Morris, for example, offers bar owners financial incentives to fill their venues with color schemes, specially designed furniture, ashtrays, suggestive tiles designed in captivating shapes similar to parts of the Marlboro logo, and other subtle symbols that, when combined, convey the very essence of Marlboro—without even the mention of the brand name or the sight of an actual logo.
The Dunhill store in London sells leather goods, time-pieces, menswear, accessories, and even a fragrance meant to underscore the luxurious image of the brand. Smokers associate coffee with cigarettes. They are both drugs of a type. In effect, cigarette companies have been forced to develop a whole new set of skills. Think about it: What about sponsoring the Ferrari team during its Formula One races? Paint a car Marlboro-red.
In other words, we believe that is very well suited for all people, and thus answers the cry for help of everyone. He is highly skilled in consumer behavior, and what brands should do to maximize their ROI Return on Investment. downloadology by Martin Lindstrom was designed to change the course of the sales funnel, which is affected by the downloading decision-making.
Martin and his team of experts realized that by utilizing fMRI and EEG technologies, you could read the minds of the customers and see how they react to specific changes. In other words, Lindstrom dropped a research bomb, in which he collected a massive amount of neuromarketing data.
They discovered something extraordinary, a real breakthrough in terms of sales , which seemed too good to be true. Neuromarketing was a neglected term, a concept that was never under surveillance. The main idea was to discover how the brain reacts and does it responds to a different marketing stimulus.
Are those incentives strong enough for the customer to change directions? Indeed, we are inclined to agree, that escaping from the endless cycle of decision-making is a fictional conclusion. Are we leaning to one concept or the other? Do we rely on intuition, or the inner voice, before we put the product in the bag? For instance, do you know that cigarette ads make people addicted to them even more?
They indicated that commercial benefit, is not at the center of human development, and as such must be restricted and controlled.